Page 17 - IB Sept-Oct 2020
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Fiji@50                                                                                           Fiji@50



        other communities in Fiji, and the international community.  political change towards greater internal self-government,
         It was back to the drawing board for Rabuka, and this   including declaring Fiji a Christian state, seeking security of
        ushered in the formation of the Sir Paul Reeves’ Constitutional   land ownership, demanding Fijian parity in the public service,
        Review Commission, which made this observation about the   recognising a continuing constitutional link with Britain, a link
        1990 Constitution in its final report:              ‘forged in a spirit of mutual trust and goodwill [that] should
         “The political developments since 1992 suggest three   never be severed’ and ‘building on and strengthening the
        things. First, the goal of permanent Fijian political unity is   spirit and substance of the Deed of Cession’.
        unrealistic and the efforts to pursue it have a high cost for   “The Letter was a negotiating document, and a successful
        Fijians themselves. Secondly, in the absence of unity, even   one as well. The 1965 Constitution gave Fijians two additional
        a constitution as heavily weighted in favour of Fijians as   seats over the Indians, thus upsetting the principle of bal-
        the 1990 Constitution may not prevent a minority of Fijians   ance, which had underpinned the colonial pattern of political
        from joining with an Indo-Fijian party or parties to form a   representation, and sowing seeds of further political instabil-
        government. Thirdly, trying to keep a predominantly Fijian   ity for the remainder of the 1960s.
        government in office in perpetuity may not be the best way of   “The 1970 Constitution camouflaged the issue through a
        securing the paramountcy of Fijian interests.”      complex system of political representation. Fijians and Indo-
         Professor Lal was one of the three members of the Reeves   Fijians had 24 seats in a 52-seat Lower House, 10 elected on
        Commission. As a historian, he had studied the evolution of   national or cross-voting seats and 12 on straight communal
        the pursuit of political paramountcy by indigenous Fijian   seats. General Voters (Part-Europeans) had 5 seats.
        politicians and in his book  Making History, Becoming History:   “The fact that General Voters tended to side with Fijians,
        Reflections on the Alleged Failure of the Fiji Constitution:  and the Indo-Fijian community prone to splitting, ensured the
         “Some coup supporters argue that the 1997 Constitution   dominance of the Fijian leadership. But more than politics,
        did not protect the ‘paramountcy of Fijian interests’. These   the fact that paramount chiefs were at the helm of national
        words have a peculiar origin in Fijian history, their significance   leadership, Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau,
        distorted by meanings invested in them by different groups   Ratu Sir George Cakobau, and Ratu Sir Edward Cakobau, as-
        over the years.                                     sured Fijians of the continuity with the past.”
         “Many have mistakenly traced these words back to the Deed   Conceding the need for change, Prime Minister Rabuka—who
        of Cession in 1874, by which Fiji became a Crown Colony.   now held office as a result of general elections in 1992—sup-
        Those words are not found there. Instead, it records the   ported the recommendations of the Reeves Commission that
        chiefs’ desire to ‘tender unconditionally’ the sovereignty of   saw the birth of the 1997 Constitution which promoted multi-
        the islands to Queen Victoria and her successors, ‘relying upon   party governance.
        the justice and generosity’ of Her Majesty in dealing with her   Welcomed by the international community as visionary, it
        subject peoples.                                    was rejected by voters in the 1999 general elections that saw
         “In response, the Crown promised that ‘the rights and   the defeat of Prime Minister Rabuka’s SVT and Reddy’s NFP
        interests of the said Tui Viti and other high chiefs, the ceding   coalition, and the election of the Fiji Labour Party’s Mahen-
        parties hereto shall be recognised so far as is and shall be   dra Chaudhry to the Prime Ministership. One year later Prime
        consistent with British Sovereignty and Colonial form Govern-  Minister Mahendra Chaudhry and members of his government
        ment’.                                              were ousted in a para-military led coup and held hostage in
         “This represents paramountcy within parameters. In early   parliament for 56 days.
        colonial usage, ‘paramountcy of Fijian interests’ meant the   That coup in 2000, Fiji’s third in the 30 years after indepen-
        protection, and the insulation of those institutions and social   dence called for deep soul searching, as Professor Lal wrote in
        practices which had a particular significance to the Fijian   Making History, Becoming History:
        people, their land tenure system, ‘native policies’ designed   “The Fiji saga has received more than its share of regional
        to preserve the neo-traditional structure of their society, a   and international attention. Coups attract attention, because
        separate system of administration, matters of chiefly titles   there is something deeply unsettling and immoral about using
        and genealogies.                                    the bayonet to overturn the verdict of the ballot box, not
         “On these matters, the view of the Fijian people through   once but three times within thirteen years: the first time as
        the Great Council of Chiefs prevailed. The European planters   tragedy, the second time as farce.
        invoked the principle in the 1920s, not to support Fijians, but   “Fiji also raises questions asked in other multi-ethnic coun-
        to halt political equality demanded by Indo-Fijians. Nonethe-  tries in the developing world. What framework of Government
        less, until the middle of the 20th century, the words were   is appropriate for multi-cultural, multi-ethnic nations like Fiji
        used in a protective sense.”                        (or Guyana or Malaysia)?
         So when or how did the paramountcy of Fijian interests   “Fiji also raises questions about the tension between the
        evolve into the political paramountcy of the indigenous com-  privileged claims of the first settlers, the indigenous people,
        munity? Professor Lal traced this back to a letter that was re-  and those of the later settlers. Should blood rather than
        leased in 1964 which historians now called the Wakaya Letter.  belief be the basis of political affiliation, ideology rather than
         “In it, Fijian leaders laid down the precondition for further   primordiality?”

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